摘要: | 政治小說常以受爭議的政治事件或政治現狀為素材,來記錄政治的陰暗面或對未來政治的啟示。從鄉土文學論戰後(一九七九年)到解嚴前(一九八七年)的九年間,政治小說就如極力掙脫壓力或迴避戒嚴束縛的水球,一一浮現在傳播媒體上,並藉著突破禁忌、挑戰權威的方式搶奪權力場域,以敘述、分析逐漸摧毀官方大敘述的霸權。本論文以挑戰大敘述政治小說為研究對象,從敘事學角度考察政治小說文本的敘事模式、敘事觀點、敘事手法、敘事題材與其特色。
論文第一章闡明研究動機與界定「大敘述」、「政治小說」、「1979-1987」等研究範疇。第二章採取巴塔耶(Georges Bataille)的同質化/異質化觀點與林果顯的「(準)戰爭體制」論點,去探究官方反共「大敘述」的建立與演變。第三章援用敘事學的理論,來探討挑戰大敘事政治小說的一種基本敘事模式與男、女兩種敘事觀點。第四章從諷刺、批判、寓言三種敘事手法,分析挑戰大敘述政治小說的書寫策略與政治理念。第五章採取主顯節觀點,以政治禁忌、人權自由、族群母語與歷史事件等四種題材類型分析,觀察作家們如何用親身經驗或見聞訊息去雕塑戒嚴時期的某種真實風情。第六章總結上述,得出五大結論:一、拒絕遺忘,主動對話;二、反映現實,自我詮釋;三、放大身影,追尋真相;四、淘洗作用,重新審判;五、尋找中國,發現台灣。
政治小說在不同歷史階段,可能被賦予不同的功能和意義,時間會模糊我們對去過殘酷壓迫的記憶,所以,藉由書寫與傳播,群眾的意識就一次又一次的被喚起。拒絕遺忘與軟性反抗的態度,成了台灣政治作家長期堅持的精神所在。只是在挑戰大敘述的政治小說文本中,大多講述自己的故事與遭遇,和自己的群眾共鳴互動,鮮少論及他人的故事與遭遇。期望進入大敘述瓦解、國族認同分流的新對立時代,能走出地域與偏狹,產生認真接納他人故事的政治小說,以榮耀台灣文學。
Political novels often favor controversial political issues and current political conditions as their source materials, in order to record the dark side of politics or to serve as apocalyptic visions of future political trends. During the nine years from the Nativist Literature Debate (1979) to the abolishment of Martial Law (1987), political novels began to emerge, one-by-one, in the media as if struggling to fight against the cultural oppressions or restrictions of Martial Law with their taboo breaking descriptions and attitude of challenging the authorities; they gradually demolished the hegemony of the official grand narrative. This study took political novels that challenged the grand narrative as the targets of study, and explored the narrative patterns, view points, narrative methods, subject matters and special characteristics of these novels from the perspectives of narratology.
Chapter 1 clarifies the motives and defines the scope of the study, including “Grand Narrative”, “Political Novels” and the “1979-1987 period”. Chapter 2 introduces the homogenization/heterogenization theory of Georges Bataille and the (quasi) war-time system of Guo-Sian Lin to discuss the establishment and evolution of the official anti-communist Grand Narrative. Chapter 3 adopts narratological theories to illustrate the basic narrative pattern and the gender-related perspectives of political novels that challenge the Grand Narrative. Chapter 4 analyzes the writing tactics and political ideas of such political novels by analyzing three narrative methods: irony, criticism and parable. Chapter 5 adopts the viewpoints of the epiphany, and observes how writers represent the real world of the Martial Law period based on their own experience or indirectly through word-of-mouth information; this is done based on the analysis of four subject matters: political taboo, freedom of human rights, native language, and history issues. Chapter 6 summarizes the previous chapters and draws five conclusions: 1. Say no to oblivion and converse actively; 2. Reflect reality through self-interpretation; 3. Amplify the past and pursue the truth; 4. Re-evaluate the past; and 5. Look for China and find a new Taiwan.
Political novels may have different functions and significance in different historical periods. Time may blur our memory of past ruthless oppression, but writing helps to reawaken public awareness. The insistence on non-violent resistance and refusing to embrace oblivion is deeply buried in the spirits of Taiwan’s writers of political novels. However, among the novel texts that challenge the grand narrative, most of the novels only depict the stories and experiences of the writers themselves, and seldom describes the stories and events of other people, thus only resonating within a limited public. In this new era when the grand narrative has collapsed and different opinions prosper, it is hoped that political novels can escape from their regional and mental restrictions, incorporate the stories of others, and create a glorious trend in Taiwanese literature. |