| 摘要: | 相較於台灣其他縣市，屏東縣的地方派系，自1951年第一屆縣長選舉形成之後，對立情形相當明顯，因此屏東縣一直是許多地方派系研究注意的焦點。1997全國縣市長選舉，民進黨所提名的縣市長候選人，一舉拿下十二席縣市長寶座後，臺灣的政治版圖形成「北藍南綠」，民進黨在屏東縣各項公職選舉皆以勝選收場，尤其2008年第七屆立法委員選舉制度，改採單一選區兩票制(single-district two-votes system)後，屏東縣原有中國國民黨的地方兩大派系張、林兩派已潰不成軍，派系勢力式微，而2000年後民進黨在中央與地方同時執政下，政治資源豐沛對原舊有的屏東縣政治勢力，採取合緃連橫的另一新侍從模式，來拉攏地方上政治勢力與派系互為結盟，演變成今日的屏東縣民進黨一黨獨大，國民黨及其他小黨略似在陪襯著民進黨的地方政治型態。
許多地方派系研究學者的研究中，有關屏東縣地方派系與選舉之關係、地方派系權力結構的轉變與運作、以及地方派系的形成與發展，相關學術研究比較多，但是，並未見地方派系對縣政發展影響之討論，是以本文首先以文獻史料與口述訪談，分析派系對地方自治與縣長施政的影響。另外，本文引用新恩庇-侍從主義來論述，政黨政治中當2000年第一次政黨輪替後，民進黨中央執政後，歷屆的屏東縣縣長如何利用新恩庇-侍從主義模式來經營地方政治勢力。
根據本文的研究，在第一至第八屆縣長時期（1951∼1977），因為地方派系的惡性鬥爭，往往造成阻礙縣政之推行與地方政治之順利運作。第九至第十二屆縣長時期（1981∼1997），屏東縣的派系趨於緩和，但仍維持原有的組織與動員系統，在各級選舉中發揮影響力，在縣政發展方面，由於1970年代臺灣政治經濟環境丕變，中央政策的帶動與補助款，對縣政推行而言，是一大助力。
第十三屆至第十八屆等六屆縣長時期（1997∼2020），由於社會環境的改變，民進黨三位縣長皆注重文化、社區、社福及科技等建設。特別是2000年到2008年以及2016年至2021年，民進黨在中央與地方同時執政的時期。於是，原來效忠國民黨的兩大地方派系─張、林兩派逐漸喪失原有的行政資源與共同利益，不但在組織網絡產生鬆動現象，從對立走向共治共榮。
屏東縣的派系政治，理應主導府會關係的發展，但根據本文參審縣政資料的結果，派系鬥爭在府會關係上，並沒有造成太負面的影響。因為透過田野訪談發現，派系出身甚或民進黨籍縣長會以互惠政治、幕僚政治、利益共享的方式，取得府會和諧，派系對府會關係而言，發揮了一定的穩定作用。1997-2018年民進黨的蘇嘉全、曹啓鴻、潘孟安三位縣長皆勝選連任，象徵民進黨在屏東縣一黨獨大，國民黨張、林兩派回歸政黨基調，在未來各級選舉中，派系與政黨合縱連橫的結合將是致勝關鍵。兩黨互相制衡、監督，推舉優秀的人才參政，派系將成為選民與政黨之間的仲介團體，在臺灣地方政治中扮演重要角色。
The local faction in Pingtung County, in comparison with other counties and cities in Taiwan, has been noticeable since the magistrate election in Pingtung County took place in the year of 1951. Therefore, issues regarding the local factions in Pingtung have been heatedly discussed in related research studies. In the year of 1997, candidates nominated by Democratic Progressive Party (hereafter DPP) captured 12 seats in the mayoral and magisterial elections, moving toward the North-Blue and South-Green political territory. From then on, DPP won the landslide victories in varying civil-servant elections. This was further evident in the legislative election in the year of 2008, of which electoral system was adopted as the single-district two-votes (SNTV). The Kuomintang (hereafter KMT) local factions Chang and Lin in Pingtung County were on the waning political influences. Distinctively, embracing ample political resources at the helm in both central and local governments, DPP hooked in the locally political powers and factions to reshape the alternative model Vertical and Horizontal Alliances. As a result, DPP has become the juggernaut in the current political situation, with the minority of roles allotted to KMT and other small parties.
A battery of research studies concerning local factions laid the overemphasis on the following issues: relationships between local faction and election, the transformation and operation of local faction power structure, and the formation and developments of local faction in Pingtung County. Yet, there is a paucity of information on the influences of local factions on the development of administrative operations in Pingtung County. For this reason, this dissertation set out to review related historical documents and then conducted the oral interviews to delve into the influences of local factions upon the local autonomy as well as the magistrate performances. In addition, the new-clientelism was employed to detect the strategic pathways in managing the locally political powers by previous county magistrates when DPP took powers in the central governments in wake of the first party rotation in 2000.
The current dissertation revealed that the vicious struggles of local factions hindered the implementation of county administration and the smooth operation of local politics from the year of 1951 to the year of 1977 (i.e. from the first to the eighths county magistrates). From the year of 1981 to the year of 1997 (i.e. from the ninth to the twelfth county magistrates) the factional struggles in Pingtung County tended to be in a soft fashion, and the organization and mobilization system remained, exerting its impacts upon various elections. Concerning the development of county administration, the overall political and economic situations in Taiwan raised a sea change in the 1970s, empowering the management of county administration via the implementation of central policies and subsidies.
From the year of 1997 to the year of 2020 (i.e. from the thirteenth to the eighteenth county magistrates), with the changing climates of the social environments, three DPP magistrates attended to the cultural events, communities, social welfares, and science and technology. This issues deserved the central focus when DPP took the overwhelming powers in both central and local governments from 2000 to 2008 and 2016 to 2021. Consequently, the two local factions, Chang and Lin, being loyal to the KMT, gradually lost their administrative resources and common interests, leading to the loose organizational network, moving from the rivals to co-governance.
The factional politics in Pingtung County were assumed to predominate the relationships between the government and the council. Yet, on the grounds of the historically official documents of county administration, the factional struggles did not bring about the negative impacts. Through the oral interviews, it was discovered that political figures of factional origin or DPP magistrates achieved the harmony between the government and the council through reciprocal politics, staff politics, and benefit sharing. Local factions were believed to stabilize the relationships between the government and the council. From 1997 to 2018, Su Chia-Chuan, Tsao Chi-Hung and Pan Meng-An, three DPP magistrates in Pingtung County, captured the landslide victory in the election and still took the helm in the re-election. This symbolized the predominance of DPP in Pingtung County. In the future elections on varying levels, the cooperation of factions and political parties will be crucial to the victory. The two parties play the role of check and balance, mutually supervise, and recommend elites for the political participation. Factions will become the mediators between voters and the political parties, playing the crucial roles in local politics in Taiwan. |
