Making Stressful Coasts into Austronesian Practice Ground?: Traditional Ecological Knowledge in Yami/Tao Agro-Forests

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題名:	Making Stressful Coasts into Austronesian Practice Ground?: Traditional Ecological Knowledge in Yami/Tao Agro-Forests 讓艱困海岸成為練習場？：雅美／達悟族森林農藝裡的傳統生態知識
作者:	胡正恆
貢獻者:	森保系
關鍵詞:	蘭嶼雅美族／達悟族園藝混農林傳統生態知識 Lanyu (Orchid Island) Yami/Tao horticulture agro-forest traditional ecological knowledge (TEK)
日期:	2014-12
上傳時間:	2016-12-23 10:20:46 (UTC+8)
摘要:	本文旨在探究雅美／達悟人經營森林園藝（agro-forest horticulture）時所表達的管理慣俗，整理了過去所調查蘭嶼鬱閉森林和開墾果園間的農藝多樣性與訪談語料。雅美傳統生態知識所成就的園藝果樹林，特色是規模小、卻照顧多樣作物，迥異於大面積、嚴格分工定植的農業脈絡。而雅美／達悟人栽植多重相嵌的複層林中，藉由回憶情感記號以溯事物起源的分類體系，是整合食物到土地各層次的功能地景，也是與當代發展計畫互動、做出有力回應的生態政治對話基礎。雅美／達悟人長期以來維繫了當地自然特有的豐饒，傳統生態知識源出一套南島文化核心邏輯，落實於此一熱帶生態系統，並以之開展出蘭嶼獨特的島嶼農藝地景。南島傳統生態知識是慣俗知識、也激發出情感價值，它的主要經營作為深寓於當地種植系統的二項大地實踐，並藉由生態情感在物我間有所互動：包括採集kapangap部落共有森林（＂lovot＂），和共作照顧＂macimoamoa＂果樹於專有果園（＂sibo＂）。雅美園藝照護特別強調了南島語中的兩類工作動詞：＂kapangap＂是「隨時採擷上手使用」；與＂macimoamoa＂「讓樹跟人一起工作」。雅美傳統生態知識相信鬱閉森林是神靈的居所，必須持守禁忌；而開墾的果樹林則遍植古今熱切渴望的檳榔、龍眼、毛柿、山欖等嗜好物。這兩類公共地的農藝都有賴當地生態管理制度來回穿梭於隨遇上手（＂kapangap＂）與物我共作（＂macimoamoa＂）概念之間。雅美地景上連結祖源情感的文化設計，實際管制了長期公共財取用，讓整體運作用材林與果樹林的生態效益擴大，連帶保證了祖地出產作物的豐富意涵。人工鬱閉森林栽培了古老的大徑木，如棋盤腳、龍眼和芒果；而果園經營者依賴經驗去斟酌椰油、朗島和野銀等殊異的土壤特質，使用小規模的精細燒墾使森林和果園間的連續帶藏著諸多地方蕨菜、芋頭、貓頭鷹，甚至特有蝴蝶。在過去的幾百年中，雅美族人保持梯田與旱田的輪動採集，共作撫育了在地寓居的野生動物和林間副產，實為南島人群以守候機遇為生計態度的重要文化理路。 Austronesian peoples have maintained many coastal livelihood traditions since 4000 BC, coupled with increasing gathering, fishing and horticultural ideas before their agricultural pack moves on. Austronesian waves migrated to Batanes and Luzon from southern Taiwan about 2200 BC, followed by an increasing flow of emerging agrarian cultures which bore the Austronesian ancestry. A large number of subsistence trees, herbs and wildlife are cared for by Yami/Tao islanders in Lanyu Island between Taiwan and the Philippines, under the name of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) recently. Yami people do not attach on a particular fertile land. They rather invest on useful and powerful things for adventure, with strong emotion and solid TEK for exploring new space, including both the ocean- and land- orientations. Yami farmers are horticulturally styled, who do not want to keep a land for longer period, but burn their swidden as needed. They claimed the serious reason to shifting agriculture ＂ya maattaattaw, ya ji nogat（人是漂泊，從不停靠）,＂ because Yami people believed that ＂the great journey never stops, so always prepare for next leap.＂ The TEK and associated management regimes have been inscribed by the integrated cultural ideas during encounters with strange tropical species. This makes the Austronesian dispersal full of movements of ancestors, things, and metaphors. Yami agroforests refer to the ideal worlds embedding in both the Sea-oriented axis (do iload) and a Land-oriented axis (do irara). A realistic topography of all Yami villages can be ideologically divided into the Tree Territory (kayakayo) and Coastal Territory (ili). Ecologically speaking, gathering and nurturing are powerful principles in Yami/Tao TEK in transforming a wild island into an affluent homeland for human dwelling. The Yami TEK can be described as: (1) ＂Picking tools up (kapangap)＂ by assembling things in communal property (lovot) since ancestors founded, and (2) ＂Collectively engaging (maci-vazay) in stewarded garden (sibo)＂. These Yami Agroforestry ideas reflect an ancient horticultural tradition with a complex tapestry comprised of encountering species and vivid ancestral memory, setting them in close forest (kalovotan), open garden (peysisiboan), swidden (ora) and wetland (sawalan) as the whole tokotokon landscape. The Yami silvilculture treatment involves a series of management regimes accordingly to deploy selective cutting, weeding, thinning, and seedling plantation for two major purposes of logging and fruit production. The Yami village on the eastern shore of Lanyu, Ivarino, has rich biodiversity, and relatively poor soil property of Entisols and Inceptisol. They used frequent burning practices, and adopted small-scale fires to raise the soil pH and make aluminum more insoluble and precipitated. This advantage is exhibited in swidden ashes, with increases in soil pH and higher crop productivity for 2-3 years before the next fallow rotation period. When the ash leaching is completed, crop productivity declines in an abandoned orchard. However, adaptive management regimes also develop diverse strategies shifting from gathering in communal forest to clan's open gardens. For example, Yayo villagers use the lower terrain in the nearby region for agro-gardening (peysisiboan), without frequently disturbing the distant tabooed communal forest (kalowalovotan). In Iraraley, villagers tended to go higher in the steep cliff for developing orchards, without introducing too much burning, while keeping the coastal forest intact near the village. Yami TEK is also emotionally rooted, marked by a variety of particular trees or wildlife for specific purposes across ancestral landscape. Revisiting these ancestral images periodically serves as a significant mnemonic device that facilitates the continuation of agro-forest management regimes and Yami TEK. Adherence to these long-standing practices such as sharing and caring maintain rich food and social production, which promises mutual benefits between households. A study of Yami/Tao TEK goes beyond seeing only what is present today as a well-settled agroforestry; it provides a horizon into unpacking the magnificent achievements of ＂making an Austronesian island＂ by early humans during millennia of inter-island migration and associated ecological adaptation.
關聯:	南島研究學報； 5卷2期 (2014 / 12 / 01) ， P43 - 68
顯示於類別:	[森林暨自然保育學系 ] 期刊論文

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