馬英九總統在就職演說中明揭指出，他所追求的是「不統、不獨、不武」。5月底由行政院研考會公布的民調中，支持馬英九上述主張的民眾比例，高達八成一。既然如此，爲什麼他卻那麼在意那些在總統選舉中未支持他的選民呢？馬總統不斷的強調，雖然有五成八的選民支持，但仍然有四成二的選民未投票給他！這才是馬英九先生最在意的真實民意動向。到底「不統、不獨、不武」所指涉的是甚麼？是「兩岸分治」現狀的無限持續？還是在「未來統一」之前的一種暫時性選擇？究竟這樣的現狀能夠延續多久？「擱置爭議」是擱置一時還是永遠停滯不前？由此可知，「不統、不獨、不武」的消極性不作爲，恐怕不足以解決台灣的未來發展問題。作者提出「一個主權，兩岸共享」與「一個中國，四重聯盟」的構想。結合了一制、不均等聯邦制與聯盟制等不同制度經驗，並參考中國的「民族自治制度」，形成一套多層次與多元化的體制，並透過一系列憲改工程，將「一個中國」的統合理念，導向政制、經濟、社會層面。這也是本文對當前馬政府「不統、不獨、不武」政策的回應。
President Ma Ying-jeou has emphasized a "Three-Noes" policy in his inauguration speech-no unification, no independence, and no military confrontation. In other words, based on Ma's blueprint, there will be a long-term maintenance of the status quo between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait. However, it is unclear how long this "Three-Noes" policy will be maintained under Ma's administration. Will it be a perpetual strategic plan or just a temperate excuse to delay unification negotiations? This essay will explore a Chinese unification draft under which a four-layer federacy system will be introduced. Confederation, union, confederative federation, and commonwealth cases will be compared as supplements. It will be a replenishment to Ma's Three-Noes policy.
